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Asia Mao's legacy in Xi Jinping's China. Even 40 years after his death, the Communist Party of China still feels the need for Mao Zedong to maintain its legitimacy. “Since his death, Mao has enjoyed an ambiguous, unstable legacy in China” Mao’s legacy became particularly conspicuous from 2012, when the CCP under Xi Jinping began to publicly renormalise aspects of Maoist political culture—political self-criticisms, the personality cult, the “mass-line” and rectification campaigns. In China after Chairman Mao, China had a period of post Maoism and was moving away from Chairman Mao to a more modernized China. Even though Mao Zedong had a hand in creating China and unifying, China in it is early years up to the Chinese Cultural revolution. His downturn or his bad Mao days were after the Cultural Revolution.

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Mao Zedong, Wade-Giles romanizationMao Tse-tung, (born December 26, 1893, Shaoshan, Hunan province, China—died September 9, 1976, Beijing), principal Chinese Marxist theorist, soldier, and statesman who led his country’s communist revolution. Mao was the leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) from 1935 until his death, and he was chairman (chief of state) of the People’s Republic of China from 1949 to 1959 and chairman of the party also until his death.

Who was Mao Zedong?

Mao Zedong was a Marxist theorist, revolutionary, and, from 1949 to 1959, the first chairman of the People’s Republic of China. Mao was one of the most influential and controversial political figures of the 20th century, in China and abroad. The sweeping urban and agrarian reforms he enacted throughout his leadership—via China’s first five-year plan (1953–57), the Great Leap Forward (1958–60), and the Cultural Revolution (1966–76)—often had disastrous consequences for China’s people and economy. Mao ultimately resorted to increasingly authoritarian tactics to maintain principal control over the trajectory of his country.

What is Maoism?

Maoism is the doctrine formulated by Mao Zedong and his associates. Mao’s particular strand of revolutionary theory took from the Marxist, Leninist, and Stalinist traditions but was also culturally tailored for the Chinese people. Maoism departed from other strands of Marxism in its understanding of peasantry: not as a class incapable of achieving political consciousness but as one with a dormant but tappable source of revolutionary energy. Maoism harbored other idiosyncrasies, including its conception of contradictions and of permanent revolution. Although regarded as something of an ideological relic in present-day China, the doctrine has nonetheless inspired other revolutionary movements.

How has China changed since Mao Zedong’s death?

While perhaps well intended, many of Mao Zedong’s policies were implemented to disastrous effect during his time as leader of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The government that succeeded him began to dismantle many of the policies that Mao had put in place as chairman of the People’s Republic, in some cases while Mao was still alive: China’s agriculture was decollectivized, for example, and its economy was (and continues to be) refashioned to be more free trade-friendly. This has not necessarily eliminated some of the more authoritarian practices of the Chinese government, which—even after Mao’s death—continues to censor its media, jail dissidents without trial, and suppress protests.

What is Mao Zedong's legacy?

Mao Zedong has a complex legacy, neither wholly good nor wholly bad. On the one hand, Mao’s revolution achieved China’s sovereignty, and his land reforms bequeathed land to a formerly landless peasantry. On the other hand, Mao ran an authoritarian government that quashed dissidence and caused years of terror, suffering, and famine for its people. Some of his most reactionary policies—state-controlled media, for example, or the one-party system—have persisted in China. The Chinese government’s official position on Mao is that his actions were laudable until the summer of 1957, after which they get harder to defend.

What was Mao Zedong’s family like?

Mao Zedong was born in 1893 to a peasant family. He left his family’s farm at age 16 to pursue his education, abandoning an arranged marriage. In 1920 he married Yang Kaihui, who was later killed during the Chinese civil war. Shortly afterward Mao married He Zizhen, with whom he’d already been living for several years. She accompanied him on the Long March (1934–35) while pregnant, an ordeal for which she was celebrated. Nonetheless, in 1939 Mao divorced her and married the movie star Jiang Qing, who later wielded a sizable amount of power during the Cultural Revolution.

When China emerged from a half century of revolution as the world’s most populous country and launched itself on a path of economic development and social change, Mao Zedong occupied a critical place in the story of the country’s resurgence. To be sure, he did not play a dominant role throughout the whole struggle. In the early years of the CCP, he was a secondary figure, though by no means a negligible one, and even after the 1940s (except perhaps during the Cultural Revolution) the crucial decisions were not his alone. Nevertheless, looking at the whole period from the foundation of the CCP in 1921 to Mao’s death in 1976, one can fairly regard Mao Zedong as the principal architect of the new China.

Early years

Mao was born in the village of Shaoshan in Hunan province, the son of a former peasant who had become affluent as a farmer and grain dealer. He grew up in an environment in which education was valued only as training for keeping records and accounts. From the age of eight he attended his native village’s primary school, where he acquired a basic knowledge of the Wujing (Confucian Classics). At 13 he was forced to begin working full-time on his family’s farm. Rebelling against paternal authority (which included an arranged marriage that was forced on him and that he never acknowledged or consummated), Mao left his family to study at a higher primary school in a neighbouring county and then at a secondary school in the provincial capital, Changsha. There he came in contact with new ideas from the West, as formulated by such political and cultural reformers as Liang Qichao and the Nationalist revolutionary Sun Yat-sen. Scarcely had he begun studying revolutionary ideas when a real revolution took place before his very eyes. On October 10, 1911, fighting against the Qing dynasty broke out in Wuchang, and within two weeks the revolt had spread to Changsha.

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Enlisting in a unit of the revolutionary army in Hunan, Mao spent six months as a soldier. While he probably had not yet clearly grasped the idea that, as he later put it, “political power grows out of the barrel of a gun,” his first brief military experience at least confirmed his boyhood admiration of military leaders and exploits. In primary school days, his heroes had included not only the great warrior-emperors of the Chinese past but Napoleon I and George Washington as well.

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The spring of 1912 marked the birth of the new Chinese republic and the end of Mao’s military service. For a year he drifted from one thing to another, trying, in turn, a police school, a law school, and a business school; he studied history in a secondary school and then spent some months reading many of the classic works of the Western liberal tradition in the provincial library. That period of groping, rather than indicating any lack of decision in Mao’s character, was a reflection of China’s situation at the time. The abolition of the official civil service examination system in 1905 and the piecemeal introduction of Western learning in so-called modern schools had left young people in a state of uncertainty as to what type of training, Chinese or Western, could best prepare them for a career or for service to their country.

Mao eventually graduated from the First Provincial Normal School in Changsha in 1918. While officially an institution of secondary level rather than of higher education, the normal school offered a high standard of instruction in Chinese history, literature, and philosophy as well as in Western ideas. While at the school, Mao also acquired his first experience in political activity by helping to establish several student organizations. The most important of those was the New People’s Study Society, founded in the winter of 1917–18, many of whose members were later to join the Communist Party.

From the normal school in Changsha, Mao went to Peking University in Beijing, China’s leading intellectual centre. The half year he spent there working as a librarian’s assistant was of disproportionate importance in shaping his future career, for it was then that he came under the influence of the two men who were to be the principal figures in the foundation of the CCP: Li Dazhao and Chen Duxiu. Moreover, he found himself at Peking University precisely during the months leading up to the May Fourth Movement of 1919, which was to a considerable extent the fountainhead of all of the changes that were to take place in China in the ensuing half century.

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In a limited sense, May Fourth Movement is the name given to the student demonstrations protesting against the decision at the Paris Peace Conference to hand over former German concessions in Shandong province to Japan instead of returning them to China. But the term also evokes a period of rapid political and cultural change, beginning in 1915, that resulted in the Chinese radicals’ abandonment of Western liberalism for Marxism and Leninism as the answer to China’s problems and the subsequent founding of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921. The shift from the difficult and esoteric classical written language to a far more-accessible vehicle of literary expression patterned on colloquial speech also took place during that period. At the same time, a new and very young generation moved to the centre of the political stage. To be sure, the demonstration on May 4, 1919, was launched by Chen Duxiu, but the students soon realized that they themselves were the main actors. In an editorial published in July 1919, Mao wrote:

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The world is ours, the nation is ours, society is ours. If we do not speak, who will speak? If we do not act, who will act?

From then onward his generation never ceased to regard itself as responsible for the country’s fate, and, indeed, its members remained in power, both in Beijing and in Taipei (Taiwan), until the 1970s.

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During the summer of 1919 Mao Zedong helped to establish in Changsha a variety of organizations that brought the students together with the merchants and the workers—but not yet with the peasants—in demonstrations aimed at forcing the government to oppose Japan. His writings at the time are filled with references to the “army of the red flag” throughout the world and to the victory of the Russian Revolution of 1917, but it was not until January 1921 that he was finally committed to Marxism as the philosophical basis of the revolution in China.

born

December 26, 1893
Shaoshan, China

died

September 9, 1976 (aged 82)
Beijing, China

• head of state, China (1949-1959)

political affiliation

subjects of study

role in

• spouse Jiang Qing

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